Tag Archive for liberal

It’s Not Easy to be a Green

Warning: Rant Ahead.

One of Bob Brown’s major tag lines is that the majority of the population agrees with the Greens on issues like climate change and social policy. I suspect he’s right. But the problem for the Greens is the majority of the population – those who see the world and politics in oppositional binaries (good/bad, Liberal/Labor, male/female, black/white, or whatever) – can’t agree with the party’s more radical ideology.

Most people generally support the idea of environmental protection, even at the expense of jobs, as the recent anti-mine movement attests. Most people agree there should be universal access to healthcare services including dental and disability. Most people like the idea that there will be a strong safety net there when they most need it. But they cannot accept that we should legalise marijuana and they cannot accept private schools ought not receive any public funding. These are part of The Greens’ platform in the public mind. The descriptions I’ve given might not be accurate, but they are prevalent, and that’s where The Greens fall down with most of the voting public. They have an image problem because they allow the ideas to linger. They allow radicals within the party to promote these as legitimate policy platforms. Instead of consigning their radicals to the dustbin so a broader range of community support can be gained, they carry on as is.

And that is why the Greens will not achieve the power they crave. Their platform denies entry to those they need most – voters on the margins of the major parties who do support their broad environmental and social policies. They don’t make it easy to vote for them, much less participate in the party as a member or even candidate, because they alienate too many.

Year of the Dragon

How to Ruin A Country in Ten Days

On Monday, Kevin Rudd strode into Parliament a white knight leading a small band of fierce yet determined foot soldiers. He was there to do battle with the Prime Minister, Julia Gillard. From his pronouncements, we can imagine Rudd sees Gillard as an unfathomably evil creature who robbed him. She was the red dragon that stole his crown jewel.

The contrast is stark in Rudd’s mind. He escaped from the nasty coup in 2010 wounded but free of mud. He had jousted with the dragon and lost, because she had gathered an army of minions. This time, Rudd lost again. The minions were now senior Ministers, and they duped the caucus into believing Rudd would tear the Government apart. Again, he claims the moral superiority. His challenge was open and honest. He calmly approached the gates of her lair (having left fortress Brisbane far behind) and fought openly, while Wayne Swan and others ambushed him even as Gillard loomed in sight. His tears in 2010 were pure, borne of shock and a sense of betrayal. Today, Rudd knew he would lose. He will retreat to the backbench for now.

The whole fantasy of Kevin Rudd the White is a story that has been well-told by Rudd and his supporters. If only Labor had managed to enthrall the electorate with the tale.

They could have used their time since 2007 to draw up a neat map of successes. They warded off the plague of the GFC, saw a carbon tax through the roughest of media seas, delivered increases in pensions for the villagers, and began laying down the information infrastructure that will keep the kingdom strong. They have delivered much more. In contrast, Tony Abbott careens wildly throughout the countryside, trying to find the cracks that will let him climb into the castle.

Instead of trumpeting their successes, Labor has given Abbott the chance to show that you can slay a dragon – and a whole bunch of her colleagues – without offering a credible alternative. Where other Liberal leaders have articulated clear vision, Abbott has just been casting spells and hoping that one of them won’t turn him into a toad.

Gillard’s victories include the aforementioned carbon tax, plus the health agreement and the pay boost for community services workers. These are her reforms. But they have barely been mentioned outside of the media and the Government. Gillard has not been able to write the Government’s story. This is partly because she lost the ability to narrate it once Rudd was deposed. Instead, the clear voice of the brave knight has been reading it his way. He was the victim and the classic fairy tale storyline kicked in. He had to be returned, because that would be natural justice. That is the ending the public have been seeking.

When Rudd broke from the pattern last week and resigned as Foreign Minister, he once again seized the role of narrator. He told us the Gillard reforms began while he was in charge and he now sought to take credit for them. He stepped into the role of the Knight as we had hoped. He evolved into the worn down hero who has had enough of tyranny and would lead the revolt. But Rudd had not counted on the venom from those he had worked with. Nicola Roxon, Wayne Swan and Simon Crean let their arrows fly as soon as Rudd’s drawbridge was down. Only bit-part Ministers (with the exception of Anthony Albanese) joined his party. The villagers cheered for Rudd as he rode out, but it was not their battle to fight. The members of the Labor caucus would decide this winner and many showed their disdain for the interference of the public.

It remains to be seen whether Gillard will take vengeance on those who supported Rudd. Her refusal to accept Albanese’s resignation suggests that they will be treated well. But as the White Knight retreats to mend his armour, the prospect of ongoing disunity in the Government is strong. Their best hope is to tell a compelling story. It needs to be a page turner. The successes need to be seen and celebrated. If not, another army may rise to challenge Gillard, even if the flaxen-haired ex-PM is not part of the charge.

Cartel Parties in Australia’s Democracy

Democracy is notoriously difficult to define, but any serious conception always includes power being somehow vested with the people. And yet in countries that would be considered democratic, the power mostly seems to stick with certain elite groups. These groups have privileged access to the media and that usually enforces their success in elections. The internet has the potential to re-shape this paradigm, but so far that potential has mostly gone under-utilised (I’m going to address that in a later post).

There are also other structures that influence power in democracies. One of those is the party system. Australia’s party system is like most others – two parties dominate to the exclusion of others, except for minor players who come and go. Within those parties, power is often concentrated in the hands of a few. For a demonstration of this point, Google the words parachute, preselect and election on Google Australia. (What the hell, I’ve done it for you.)

While (mildly) challenged by the Greens in recent years, Australian politics remains dominated by the Liberal-National Coalition and the Labor Party. They represent classic cases of cartel parties, and the comfortable arrangement leaves many questioning the difference between the two.

I subscribe to the theory that adversarial left-right thinking is out of date. Instead, I propose a broad shift to smaller parties huddled around core issues. Governments could then be made up of true coalitions who must openly debate every issue and legislate in the interests of the broader community who voted for their local representative.

To start with, I suggest:

  • Dissolving the Liberal-National Partnership, which would allow Liberals to focus on liberal philosophy and the Nats to focus on country matters.
  • Weeding conservatives from the Liberal Party and creating a Conservative Party. This would allow Conservative voters to vote at a local level and know the philosophy their party will follow. It would also give Liberal voters certainty over who they are voting for, and remove the farce where a liberal leader is replaced by a conservative leader (or vice versa) and an about-face on most issues occurs.
  • Reform the Greens. The Greens are a mostly socialist party, having moved away from their environmental origins. Leave the Greens to become experts on environmental issues and allow the socialists to move into other parties. In a sense, this would open the Greens up and encourage non-socialists who are concerned about the environment to join the party.
  • Reshape the ALP. The Australian Labor Party has forgotten about the conditions of the working class and moved more toward socialist positions. Of course, there is a lot of overlap between socialism and the labour movement. However, as with the Greens above, it would be beneficial for Labor to properly utilise the skills and experience of worker’s rights activists rather than relying on socialist Prime Ministers.
  • The Socialist Alliance is a minor party, but could grow in influence with input from the Green-Socialists and the Labor-Socialists who would leave those other parties.

The above suggestions are broad, blue-sky thinking and they are obviously controversial. However, by removing the adversarial nature of Australian politics and encouraging smaller parties, we could end up with a more representative and cooperative democracy.

NOTE: This post is written mostly tongue-in-cheek. While I think there is a need to move away from the left-right paradigm, there are probably more workable ways to do it than overhauling the entire political system. Still, its an interesting proposition. Feel free to disagree in the comments.

Coal Seam Gas – Storify


Coal Seam Gas Concerns

This was written for a journalism assignment:

DRAMATIC footage of a foamy discharge from a coal seam gas well in south western Sydney has added to concerns around the controversial industry. The video, filmed by a Greens member of the New South Wales parliament, appears to show an unidentified foamy chemical mix being forcefully expelled from the well. Greens MP Jeremy Buckingham, who filmed the video expressed concern about the location of nearby housing and water facilities and called on the NSW Government to investigate the incident.

The incident came amongst growing opposition in Australia to the controversial industry, which uses a broad mix of chemicals to force gas up from within underground coal seams. For Buckingham and others concerned about the environmental impacts, especially of pollutants, from the coal seam gas industry, the discharge provides further impetus to question existing practices.

In parliament, Buckingham’s questions to Duncan Gay, who represents the Energy and Resources Minister in the Upper House, were met with obfustication. Gay responded to Buckingham’s request for a government inquiry into the industry by stating: “the Government provides a number of attractive incentives to encourage exploration, development and utilisation of the coal seam gas industry” and promised to refer to “refer the question to the relevant Minister.”

Community groups in areas such as the NSW Southern Highlands have embarked on vocal campaigns opposing coal seam gas extraction. Hume Coal, a joint venture between Korean steel-maker POSCO and Australian-owned Cockatoo Coal, is conducting exploratory activities around the Southern Highlands town of Sutton Forest.

Hume’s activities are being closely monitored and scrutinised by the Southern Highlands Coal Action Group (SCAG’s), whose “Shoo Cockatoo” campaign has crystalised local opposition to the project. SCAG’s activities are also being closely monitored – by Hume Coal. The company noted strong community opposition in their Review of Environmental (REF) factors prepared for the NSW Government as part of the exploration application. They gave an account of SCAG’s history, and noted the group’s primary concern related to future mining activities, not to exploration. The REF says community concerns “subsidence damage, dust and noise from surface facilities, damage to the aquifers and water supply catchment, changes in the character of the area and property values.”

Coal seam gas mining is not the only source of anxiety. As the Hume Coal REF notes, objections to the Sutton Forest activities “largely revolve around future mining”. Such mining is likely to include long wall extraction of hard coking coal for export. The community’s fears are not unfounded. A 2008 NSW Government inquiry into the impact of mining on natural features of the Southern Coalfield found there is every likelihood of  surface damage when mining occurs. The report notes, “With few exceptions, at depths of cover greater than about 200m coal cannot be mined economically by any mining method without causing some degree of surface subsidence”. Hume Coal’s REF shows the Wongawilli Coal Seam lies at a depth of almost 200 metres, indicating a strong probability of effects such as surface subsidence. The report also states “non-conventional subsidence effects (including valley closure, upsidence and regional far-field horizontal displacement) regularly occur” in the Southern Coalfield.

In the Illawarra region, which also has a long history of coal mining activities, an estimated 3000 people recently participated in a beach-side protest against coal seam gas proposals. That protest was sparked by plans by mining company Apex Energy to drill 15 exploratory boreholes in their search for coal seam gas. Apex’s preliminary environmental assessment, prepared for the NSW Government in 2007, shows an exploratory lease covering most of the Illawarra region north of Lake Illawarra. Community group Stop CSG Illawarra has expressed concern on the impact of these wells, and resultant mining operations, on the quality of water, food and amenity in their region.

The group also suggest significant environmental impacts of coal seam mining, a contention supported by a determination of the NSW Scientific Committee, which is established by the Threatened Species Conservation Act. In recommending protection for Coastal Upland Swamp environments, which are abundant throughout the Illawarra (and the Apex Energy licence area), the committee notes coal seam gas mining is likely to have “significant environmental impacts on hydrological and ecological functions of Coastal Upland Swamp”. The recently-elected NSW Coalition Government has imposed a 60-day moratorium on new exploration licences for coal seam gas, which started on May 21. The moratorium was imposed to allow the Government to develop a new strategic land-use policy.
However, the freeze has no effect on existing licences, as residents in the Southern Highlands discovered when Hume Coal began their exploration hours before the moratorium was announced.

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